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A documentary revisiting the Imperial Japanese Army's lethal human experiments and biological warfare program has attracted more than 1 million views online, bringing renewed global attention to one of World War II's darkest chapters and a history still little known outside Asia.
Produced by Singapore-based Channel NewsAsia (CNA), Inside Unit 731: Japan's Secret Human Experiments features historians and descendants of survivors from countries including the UK, the US, Japan and Singapore. Through their accounts, the documentary details the germ warfare, human experimentation and other crimes against humanity committed by Unit 731 - officially known as the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army - during Japan's war of aggression.
Several US, Singaporean and Japanese scholars featured in the documentary recently told the Global Times that the evidence of Unit 731's crimes against humanity is irrefutable. The atrocities represent a shared trauma not only for Asian countries subjected to Japanese fascist aggression, but also for all humanity. "More than 80 years after the war, reviving the collective memory of affected countries is essential to safeguarding peace," they said.
Victims of germ warfare
For much of his life, Katsutoshi Takegami knew only that his father had once worked in China. It was not until years after his father's death that a discovery in the family storehouse prompted the 78-year-old resident of Komagane, Nagano Prefecture, Japan, to investigate what that work had involved.
Several thick photo albums had been packed into boxes marked "Nara Army Hospital." Across the black-and-white photographs were references to the "Epidemic Prevention Section" and the "Central China Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department."
"My father worked at a local public health center after World War II. He had mentioned that he had worked in China, but never revealed any details," Takegami told the Global Times. "When I saw those photographs, I desperately wanted to know what my father had done in China."
Determined to find an answer, Takegami closed the café he had spent years building, began examining historical records and consulted researchers. He even traveled to China in search of clues.
His investigation eventually revealed that his father had been a member of Unit 1644, also known as Unit Ei 1644, a germ-warfare formation based in Nanjing. The discovery came as a profound shock.
"When people talk about the Imperial Japanese Army's germ warfare, Unit 731 is usually the first thing that comes to mind. In fact, the Japanese military operated many such units," Takegami said.
"The general public knows almost nothing about them, and very few scholars study them. Historical evidence shows that the areas victimized by germ warfare extended far beyond Harbin, where Unit 731 was headquartered. China was by no means the only victimized country," he added.
For Singaporean independent scholar Lim Shao Bin, the realization that this biological warfare network had reached Southeast Asia came on February 14, 2016.
That day, Nobuyoshi Takashima, professor emeritus at the University of the Ryukyus, and his wife took Lim to the former Tampoi Mental Hospital on the outskirts of Johor Bahru, Malaysia. Pointing to a row of buildings, Takashima told him: "This was a wartime production base for Unit 731's plague bombs."
"That cut deeply into me," Lim told the Global Times. "I had studied in Japan since the 1980s and believed I knew a great deal about the crimes committed by the Japanese invaders in China. But I never imagined that Singapore and Malaysia - right on our doorstep - had also suffered at the hands of Unit 731."
From that day forward, Lim began systematically tracing the activities of Japanese germ-warfare units in Southeast Asia.
He explained that the Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory of the Imperial Japanese Army Medical School established the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army in Pingfang, Harbin, which became known as Unit 731.

Using Unit 731 as the center of its operations, the Japanese military established the North China Expeditionary Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department in Beijing, known as Unit 1855; Unit Ei 1644 in Nanjing; and Unit Nami 8604 in Guangzhou.
''Yet this network still contained a major missing piece - Southeast Asia,'' Lim said.
The Japanese military established the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of Southern Expeditionary Army in Singapore under the code name Oka Unit 9420. Together, these interconnected germ-warfare formations constituted what Lim described as the "Unit 731 system."
A map compiled by Lim marks five branches of Oka Unit 9420 across Southeast Asia: the Malaya, Java, Manila, Indochina and Thailand branches. These facilities produced plague bacilli and fleas on a large scale, supplying the Japanese military with biological warfare materials and forming a regional germ-warfare network.
Historical documents indicate that Oka Unit 9420 was the largest Japanese germ-warfare unit operating outside the China theater.
In May 2025, Lim and Wang Xuan, president of the Zhejiang Provincial Historical Society's research association on the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1931-45), published a book on the Japanese Army's Oka Unit 9420 after five years of extensive research and writing.
The book offered the first comprehensive account of this nearly forgotten unit and was also the first historical monograph devoted to the Southern Expeditionary Army Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department.
Work far from over
The CNA documentary traces the origins of Japan's biological warfare ambitions to the 1925 Geneva Protocol, humanity's first major post-World War I attempt to prohibit the use of chemical and biological weapons.
Instead of treating the prohibition as a moral boundary, Shiro Ishii, the notorious commander of Unit 731, recognized the enormous military value of such weapons and regarded them as "a decisive means of winning future wars," according to the documentary.
Unit 731 presented itself publicly as an epidemic-prevention and public health organization. Its real purpose, however, was to conduct secret human experiments in support of biological warfare.
The experiments included infecting victims with plague-bearing fleas, injecting them with dysentery pathogens and subjecting them to frostbite tests in temperatures dozens of degrees below zero.
Japanese soldiers referred to prisoners of war and civilian victims as maruta, meaning "logs," stripping them of their humanity before using them as experimental subjects. Everyone sent into the laboratories eventually died.
As Lim's research shows, the system supporting these experiments extended far beyond Unit 731's headquarters in Harbin.
In February 2018, Lim obtained exclusive access to a reel of wartime film footage shot after 1942 by Tomosada Masuda, a close associate and former schoolmate of Ishii who later became a core member of Unit 731. The footage documented the activities of Oka Unit 9420 in Southeast Asia.
"Harbin's severe winters made it impossible to breed plague-infected fleas on a large scale throughout the year, so Unit 731 urgently needed a warm and humid cultivation base," Lim said. "The optimal conditions for breeding the fleas were temperatures of 27 to 30 C and humidity of around 90 percent. Singapore's climate met all of these requirements."
Another document preserved in a Japanese archive showed that Japanese military "researchers" had successfully isolated a new virus from rats in Singapore and planned to transport it to Unit 731's headquarters in Harbin.
Lim said the virus was not originally native to Singapore but had been deliberately cultivated and introduced by the Japanese military. The Japanese Imperial Army recorded the body temperatures, symptoms and other experimental data of 70 test subjects in detail.
"The documentary examines in depth the crucial role Singapore played in the broader biological warfare operation," Alexis Dudden, a professor of history at the University of Connecticut, told the Global Times. "This not only expands the geographical scope of research into Unit 731's criminal activities, but also makes one point clear: This history cannot simply be characterized as a dispute between China and Japan. At its core, it was a transnational crime done by Japanese imperial expansion."
Dudden also pointed to the testimony of Hideo Shimizu, a former teenage recruit of Unit 731 who appeared in the documentary. Accounts by those who directly witnessed the unit's activities demonstrate that "the work of exposing this dark history is far from over," she said.
The documentary also highlights the stark disparity in postwar accountability.
After World War II, the victorious Allied powers conducted international trials of leading Nazi war criminals and criminal organizations in Nuremberg, Germany. Yet many of Unit 731's "executioners" returned to Japanese society, where they resumed ordinary careers in medicine and other professions.
"In a sense, this forces all of us to ask: How could a person commit such horrifying crimes, then return home and continue to act as a caring partner, a kind friend or a responsible parent?" Dudden said.
Understand history, learn from it
As of press time, "Inside Unit 731: Japan's Secret Human Experiments" has attracted more than 1.13 million views on YouTube and other platforms, with the figure rising.
Its reception raises a broader question: Why has a history rooted in wartime Asia resonated so strongly with audiences across national borders?
"Many people outside China know little or nothing about this history," Dudden said. "For a long time, international understanding of Unit 731 has not merely contained blind spots. It has been marked by widespread historical ignorance - people simply do not know this history."
Dudden cited an example from the university where she teaches. An accomplished professor who held a doctorate from Kyoto University and had spent years living and working in Japan was stunned after watching the documentary.
"I grew up in Bosnia and worked and lived in Japan for many years. My own grandparents died in Nazi concentration camps, yet I had never heard of this history," the professor said.
The professor urged Dudden to introduce the documentary in her classes and help disseminate the historical truth about Unit 731 because "everyone can and must understand this history and learn from it."
At the same time, Dudden emphasized that "understanding history and learning historical knowledge does not mean hating Japan or the Japanese people."
Asked by the Global Times what lessons remembering and reflecting on history can offer for preventing past tragedies from recurring and safeguarding peace and justice, amid Japan's accelerating rightward shift and mounting conflicts worldwide, Dudden said that "choosing silence in the face of atrocities is, to some extent, tantamount to abetting evil."
"Collective numbness and inaction can all too easily give rise to further harm. If humanity is unwilling to reflect together and defend our shared human values, similar tragedies will very likely happen again. Therein lies the answer," Dudden said.
For historians, years of work with archival materials are essential to identifying decisive evidence and exposing the falsehoods of historical denialists, Dudden said.
"But the challenge remains: Distorted and sanitized narratives have already hardened into mainstream opinion in some countries," she noted. "From this perspective, the historical truth about Unit 731, including that presented in CNA's documentary, deserves to be disseminated widely."
Da Zhigang, a research fellow at the Institute of Northeast Asian Studies of the Heilongjiang Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times that the Imperial Japanese Army's germ warfare, chemical warfare and other atrocities were not confined to China.
They also spread across Southeast Asia and the Pacific theater, inflicting profound suffering on people in numerous countries, he said.
Da said the Japanese government has long pursued historical revisionism by deliberately confining its wartime crimes to a bilateral China-Japan framework. It has even substituted concepts and reversed right and wrong, portraying a deliberately launched war of aggression as "an act of self-defense under a complex international environment," he said.
Such narratives seek to reduce the perceived geographical scope of Japan's atrocities and dilute its responsibility for wartime crimes, Da noted.
"Japan's historical revisionism is, in essence, a flagrant violation of the spirit of the UN Charter, international human rights norms and the principles of Japan's own Constitution," Da said.
"The current Sanae Takaichi administration uses AI and other means to manipulate public opinion, continually poisoning the Japanese public's understanding of history and fundamentally distorting the purpose of peace education," Da said.
"This erroneous view of history is highly transmissible and has serious spillover effects. It undermines the foundations of Japan's relations with regional countries and risks triggering a chain of negative consequences with lasting repercussions," the expert warned.
Many Asia-Pacific countries share memories of suffering under Japanese militarism as well as a strong emotional resonance rooted in that history. This provides a solid foundation for building a multilateral system of historical accountability, Da said.
Victimized countries across the region should preserve their shared historical memory, work together to expose false narratives promoted by Japan's right wing and fully restore the historical record of Japanese aggression, he added. Such efforts would provide a firm historical basis for upholding regional peace and justice.
For Lim, turning that goal into reality requires overcoming serious obstacles. The countries of Southeast Asia were ruled by different colonial powers during the war, and their archives were consequently preserved in different languages. Records relating to Singapore and Malaysia were largely written in English under British colonial rule, those in Indonesia in Dutch, and those in Vietnam in French.
Already scarce documents are therefore scattered across different countries and divided by linguistic barriers, leaving researchers with very limited material, Lim added.
"Unit 731's germ warfare, human experimentation and other crimes are not only a source of pain for China. They are a shared trauma for all Asian countries that suffered Japanese aggression, and for humanity as a whole," Lim said. "Researching this history is therefore not the responsibility of any one country, but a common responsibility of the international community."
Lim called on countries to strengthen archival sharing and academic cooperation, break down linguistic and national barriers, and jointly uncover more historical truths that have remained buried.
"More than 80 years after the war, reviving the collective memory of affected countries is essential to safeguarding peace," Lim said. "Only by facing history squarely and reflecting on it can we prevent such tragedy from recurring and build a solid foundation for peace."
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B | 1949年冬天,长江以南的局势已经全面崩溃。国民党的败退大军里,混杂着一批特殊的乘客——阵亡将领的遗孀、被俘将领的家属、还有临阵脱险将领的妻子。 她们后来被合称为"三位官太太",同样是这场政权崩塌的见证者,可她们的人生轨迹,却走向了三个完全不同的方向。 一个活到九旬高龄,晚年两岸自由往来;一个在图书馆的书库里吞下安眠药,最终投河自尽;一个终身守节办教育,最后追随亡夫而去。同样的时代裂变,为什么命运给出的答案如此不同? 要回答这个问题,得先明白,1949年这批"官太太"到台湾后面对的是什么。 丈夫或战死、或被俘、或仅仅是暂时脱险,身份的不确定性直接决定了她们能不能拿到抚恤、能不能重新立足。

C | 当时台湾当局对阵亡将领家属发放的抚恤金极其微薄,折算下来只够买几十斤米。这不是个例,是整整一代军眷共同的窘境。 第一位是王玉龄。丈夫张灵甫在孟良崮战役中阵亡时,她只有19岁,怀里抱着刚出生不久的儿子。

D | 带着母亲和孩子去台湾之后,靠着那点微薄抚恤,日子过得紧巴巴。但她没有困守原地,1952年做出了一个大胆的决定:卖掉台湾的房子,独自飞往美国读大学。

E | 这在当年是极不寻常的选择。一个刚刚失去丈夫、拖家带口的年轻寡妇,选择彻底切断对旧身份的依赖,重新从零开始学一门手艺、闯一条新路。 毕业求职时,华尔道夫酒店的总经理带着轻慢的语气问她会不会用机器设备,她当场反问回去,用底气赢得了这份工作。后来她进入美国航空公司,一干就是21年。 1973年,经人联络,她开始频繁回大陆,还协助追回过一批重要的房产产权文件。晚年定居上海,近九旬时仍在关注股市和国际新闻,2021年安然离世。 王玉龄的一生说明,失去丈夫不等于失去人生方向,一个人只要能建立独立于婚姻之外的价值,依然可以把自己活成主角。 第二位是蔡若曙,她的丈夫黄维,是在淮海战役中被俘,而不是像官方追悼会宣布的那样"阵亡"。 这场追悼会本身就充满荒诞感——国民政府隆重地为一个活人举办葬礼,而蔡若曙凭着女人的直觉,始终觉得事情不对。 带着4个孩子辗转香港、上海,她最终确认了真相:丈夫被俘,关押在大陆。

F | 从这一刻起,她的人生进入了一场长达27年的漫长等待。 她在上海图书馆找到工作,凡事小心翼翼,1956年终于获准探监,带去了小女儿的照片,劝丈夫好好改造,盼着团圆。 1959年12月,第一批特赦名单公布,黄维的名字不在其中。这次落空,成为压垮她精神的最后一根稻草。她在书库里吞下大量安眠药,被同事及时发现才捡回一命,可精神却从此崩溃——幻听、失眠、疑神疑鬼,最终因病提前退休。 1975年黄维终于获释回家。他一度感慨,多少战友的妻子早已改嫁,自己的妻子却苦守了27年。可这份重逢来得太迟,蔡若曙长期靠药物维持的精神状态早已脆弱不堪,一点风吹草动都能让她陷入焦虑。 1976年春天的一个午后,黄维睡醒发现妻子不见了。她跳进了家附近的河里,不会游泳的黄维也跟着跳下去营救,自己被救起,妻子却没能挺过来。27年的等待,换来的团聚只有短短一年。 如果只看这一段悲剧,很容易简单归结为"深情女子熬不过命运"。

G | 但事情并没有这么简单——蔡若曙的崩溃,本质上是长期活在政治不确定性里的精神消耗,特赦制度的每一次公布,都是一次对她心理承受力的定时收割。这不只是个人的爱情悲剧,更是那个特殊年代里,战犯家属共同承受的隐性代价。 第三位是叶霞翟,她与胡宗南的感情起于1930年代的一场偶遇,历经十年才等来1947年的婚礼,期间战事屡屡打乱婚期。 1949年,胡宗南在西昌被解放军合围,据部属回忆是被强行架上飞机才脱险飞往台湾。此后夫妻二人在台湾过着粗茶淡饭的平静生活,直到1962年胡宗南病逝。 丈夫离世后,叶霞翟没有陷入长久的自我封闭,而是全身心投入教育事业,试图用工作填补失去丈夫的空缺。但情感上的依附感始终没有真正消散,1981年,她追随丈夫而去,两人如今毗邻长眠于阳明山。 三个女人,三种结局。如果把原因简单归结为"谁更坚强""谁更痴情",其实是一种偷懒的解读。真正拉开她们命运差距的,是三个更深层的变量:丈夫命运的确定性、个人能否获得经济独立、以及所处环境给不给她们重新选择的空间。

H | 张灵甫死得干脆,王玉龄没有漫长的等待期,反而更早直面现实,走上自立之路。黄维的"活着但被关押"是最折磨人的状态——希望与失望反复拉扯,比彻底的失去更消耗人。胡宗南则是全身而退,叶霞翟不必面对生死悬念,但也因此把整个人生更深地绑在了这段婚姻本身。 还有一层常被忽略的因素:经济独立程度,直接决定了一个女人能不能从悲伤里"走出去"。王玉龄靠自己的学历和职业能力重建生活;蔡若曙终身依附于图书馆那份微薄的退休金和公费医疗,精神世界没有出口;叶霞翟虽然投身教育,但情感上始终没能彻底走出那段婚姻的阴影。 这段历史常常被讲成几个"深情女子"的爱情故事,可如果只看到爱情,很容易误判问题的核心。

I | 这三个女人的命运,其实是那个大时代里,千千万万普通女性在政治巨变面前,能不能为自己争取一条独立出路的缩影。 时代可以决定一个女人嫁给了谁,却决定不了她如何度过失去之后的人生。王玉龄用21年的职业生涯证明了这一点,而蔡若曙的悲剧,恰恰提醒我们:一段没有终点的等待,有时比彻底的失去更残忍。 历史从不缺少悲情故事,缺的是对"为什么会这样"的追问。她们三个人的选择,没有绝对的对错,只有各自在时代裂缝里,尽力求生的方式。 多年以后回望这段历史,或许该记住的不只是几个女人的名字,而是每一个被时代裹挟的普通人,都曾在命运的十字路口,做出过属于自己的选择。返回,查看更多。
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